Dana Blankenhorn

Beating Moore’s Law

I spent 20 years, off and on, researching Moore’s Law, its history, and how it worked. 

As I wrote my book, and rewrote it twice more, most industries succumbed to its charms, its promise of productivity. Journalism succumbed. Retailing succumbed. So did distribution and management.

Three industries have not yet succumbed, and I have a chapter in the book devoted to them.

These are health care, the law, and education.

It’s not that there aren’t solutions. Law libraries are obsolete. So, too, college libraries. Health care has finally surrendered to electronic records, lured by sweet, sweet stimulus cash.

But final costs, and prices, have gone up in all these areas.

It’s politics.

States refuse to define what graduates need, and unions insist teachers must give the lesson, not just test and tutor. Courts have used technology to pile more work on lawyers and judges. Time is money. Doctors have used their gatekeeping function to stop standardization of treatment, while drug companies have used regulatory capture to create pricing based on the value of your life.

Run on the Bank

The collapse of Silicon Valley Bank may prove to be a bigger story than it appears.

The reason goes back to a story I ran away from, the 1981 collapse of the Houston oil industry.

I didn’t intend to run away. I finally got a job at a daily in Birmingham, Alabama. It was a job I’d hold only 4 months before being fired. But I left Houston June 1, 1981. The collapse began soon after.

As in this case, the Fed had telegraphed what it was going to do. Paul Volcker was going to raise interest rates until inflation gave up, just as Jerome Powell is doing now. Inflation was much higher than, double digits in fact. Add to that the Reagan Administration jawboning the Saudis for lower oil prices and it was a perfect storm.

Publishing is Community

I call March 3 Firing Day.

I lost both my career’s jobs on March 3. In 1983 I was dumped by the Atlanta Business Chronicle. In 1997 I was dumped by CMP Media. Other than those brief periods, I’ve been a freelance all my life.

Had I stayed at ZDNet, a full-time gig I left in 2010, I would have lost my job this Firing Day, as Red Ventures dropped tech journalists from ZDNet and CNet.  

I’m told the culprit is ChatGPT, which can deliver conversational text from descriptive inputs. But it’s really Search Engine Optimization (SEO). SEO is designed to attract Google to content, to maximize its audience. If your content is listed first in Google, people will click on it. If it’s on the 5^th page of a Google search, they’ll never find it.

This is a fine strategy for mass media. But it sucks for journalism. I know because I still work for people who traffic in SEO.

Jimmy

Jimmy Carter was born in 1924, in the heart of the Jim Crow era, and in the center of the Jim Crow south.

This was one year before the Scopes Monkey Trial, five years before the birth of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. The year saw the KKK march down Pennsylvania Avenue in full regalia and with police protection.

Protection also came from the faith Carter’s family practiced. Alcohol was illegal, abortion was strictly illegal, but lynching was very legal. The Southern Baptist Convention into which Carter was born had supported slavery, it supported segregation, and they called it all God’s law.

It has been hard for me to understand, just how and where this good man was raised, the beliefs he overcame to become what he was. I didn’t even start to understand it until I moved here, after his presidency, and saw how the struggle continues today, on both sides.

Carter didn’t enter politics until he was 42, running for State Senate. While Governor in 1973 he appeared on the game show “What’s My Life,” saying he was running for President. While the panelists weren’t blindfolded, no one recognized him. His entire political life lasted just 14 years.

Rope a Dope

You may be too young to recall, but the greatest fight in history occurred in 1974.

“The Rumble in the Jungle” was more noteworthy for the tactic of challenger Muhammad Ali than the result. Ali called it the “rope a dope.” He held his forearms against his body and let George Foreman punch himself out. Ali won in the 8^th round.

In the war against Trumpism, Joe Biden is using the same tactic. It requires patience, discipline, and getting hit a lot. But a politics based on always attacking exhausts the attacker. It leaves them open to a counterpunch.

To make the rope a dope work, you must take some hits. Gandhi knew that. Dr. King knew that. People must see the cliff they’re falling into. Not just what the monkeys on Fox News claim, the world organ grinders like Rupert Murdoch are shaping.

Why Adani Fell

The U.S. stock market is off to the races again, encouraged by hints that interest rates may peak soon, and that the economy continues to grow.

But under the radar, there’s a crash. It’s in Adani Group, which you can trade over the counter under the symbol ANNRY. 

A week ago, Adani was worth over $200 billion. Today it’s fighting to hold $100 billion. CEO Gautam Adani has seen his own fortune fall to $75 billion.

This tells you something. Adani is closely held.

The stocks crashed after a report from short seller Hindenburg Group charged that they were being held up by a network of offshore companies and a very thin float. What made Hindenburg suspicious was that the value of the companies rose over 800% in just a few years, on assets like coal mines, container ports, and airports. It didn’t make sense.

But there’s another lesson here, America’s dominance of the global marketplace. About 40% of the world’s stock market value is now held in the two U.S. markets – the New York Stock Exchange and the NASDAQ. About 60% of the world’s liquidity, the capital companies require to do business, is in the U.S. That’s why the threat to cut off Chinese stocks from U.S. exchanges was so powerful. It’s why the Hindenburg report blew such a big hole in Adani’s market battleship.

The Why of the Guns

Guns have replaced drugs as the tool of systemic racism.

When I was young drugs were effective at this. Push drugs on young black people who are unemployed and feeling hopeless. Arrest the black people doing the drugs. Toss them in jail and they’re not only slaves (for the duration of their sentence) but non-voters for life.

It worked.

But as white folk started getting sentenced, and as black families learned better, you needed a new mechanism.

Lax gun laws are the mechanism.

2023: Look on the Bright Side

If we’re to get through 2023 alive, we’re going to have to take joy where we find it.

We certainly didn’t find it in journalism this year. Editors on every beat have taken to writing aggressive, clickbait headlines, designed to provoke feelings of anger and depression. They do it because they’re rewarded by the algorithms of a failing Internet business model. They do it to boost traffic.

This is even true on my business beat, where every negative headline has a positive corollary. Rising prices create incentives and profits for producers. Rising interest rates mean savers can finally catch a break. Layoffs create opportunity for other employers while the job market remains tight.

The headlines are misleading because they take just one side. They make it appear the economy and markets are terrible even though the former is not.

Fixing Twitter on Mastodon

Twitter is broken beyond repair.

But it can be fixed. On Mastodon. If users learn something I learned back in 1988.

I’m @danablankenhorn@journa.host on Mastodon. Journa.host is run by Adam Davidson, formerly of The New Yorker. It’s one of thousands of servers supporting Mastodon on the Internet.

Users can block users on Twitter. But on Mastodon servers can also block servers. Users can also move between servers. This means people choose whatever server conforms to their standards on what should be blocked and what allowed. You can have alt-right servers, alt-left servers, and alt-bicycling servers.

A lot of people, looking at Mastodon over the last few weeks, have looked askance at this. People are isolating behind their server walls, they complain. Or they might.

But that was always true for Twitter. It was designed to be. The problem is that many people didn’t use their block commands aggressively enough. Journalists amplified extreme views by retweeting them. Hate was amplified by user outrage.

A Community Model for Web Publishing

Even before the Web was spun, I was arguing against the standard publishing model for the Internet. (Picture from Wikipedia.)

That model was built on advertising. You aggregated people based on their location, industry, or lifestyle, by covering their interests and advocating for them. You then sold billboards alongside that content and, if charging for the paper, only get back its distribution costs.

What I argued for instead, as early as the mid-1990s, was for a marketplace model. You’re still collecting readers, but your content leads them down a sales funnel, and you’re seeking commissions on those sales from your business partners based on your credibility.

One of my favorite memories is of the 1995 Christmas party of the Atlanta Press Club, where James Cox Kennedy, then the local paper’s publisher, claimed he could repurpose content online by putting different URLs in front of it, like yall.com. I laughed so hard I cried. I nearly doubled over.

By the time publishers expressed interest in the marketplace model, of course, it had become useless. This was thanks to Doubleclick, which was founded in Atlanta and later bought by Google. Google made it possible for anyone to aggregate their own audience and buy it at a run-of-network rate. The fact that you’d need 10 times more impressions to get the same impact was seen as a feature, not a bug. And the price of those ads continued falling, thanks to the Web’s unlimited inventory.